A Postcard from Bukovina. “Mosaics” and “melting pots” in Europe


Adam Dylewski

The modern European misses the Jew while wholly approving of the measures undertaken by the French government against the Roma minority.

While I was browsing through items to be sold off at a certain auction house, I came across a stack of papers collected before World War I and later, for some reason, unknown to me – a family heirloom? a stuck drawer in some dusty attic? – untouched for almost a century. These were no rarities, rather a collection of yellowy postcards, a few overly formal documents (mustachioed faces on sepia-toned photographs, elaborate scribbles on the sides, complex heraldry, dry seals, a brochure which turned out to be an offprint of “Hof- und Staats-Handbuch der österreichisch-ungarischen Monarchie” from 1876, and finally a “Railway map of the Duchy of Bukovina” in Polish (the language was a surprise). Apparently, the papers were from Chernivtsi, a city which today can be found in southwestern Ukraine, near the Romanian border.

Mold, dust and moisture were very kind to the old, yellowed postcards. The headings were marked in three languages: “Korrespondenz-Karte. Karta korespondencyjna. Kaртакореспонденційна”,

as was the address field, inscribed with: “An. Do. До.” The contents of the postcards were evidence of an even greater confusion of tongues. One of the letters spells the capital of Bukovina as Czernowitz, another calls it Czerniowce, while a third letter calls it Cernăuţi. Biła Krynycja changed into Fontina Alba, Ust’-Putyła into Gura-Putilei; and Hliboka – one has to wonder why exactly – changed into Adăncata. For the Romanians, Rusiński Krasnoilśk turned into Crasna Putnei, the Austrians in turn called it Krasna-Putna. Good old Ust’-Putyła was Uscie Putilla to the Germans, and Waszkowce turned into Waschkoutz. One has to wonder how the post office in Bukovina was able to handle all that confusion.

Even more colorful were the names mentioned in the “Hof- und Staats-Handbuch der österreichisch-ungarischen Monarchie”. Among aristocratic sounding Austrian names like Vincenz Gareiss von Döllitzsturm and Ludwig Gross-Lemayere von Kleingrünberg there were also Romanians (Alexandre Banczeskul, Ioan Lupul), Ukrainians (Arthemius Czuntuliak, Basil Kluczenko), Jews (Aron Horn, Leo Rosenzweig), Hungarians (Orestes Renney von Herszény, Emil Miskolczy), Czechs (Joseph Mrstik, Richard Pribram) and Poles (Edward Grabowiecki, Romuald Klimkiewicz and Emil Zygadłowicz, an employee of a telegraph office in Neu-Itzkany). It was even more difficult to sort some other names by nationality, for example who could’ve guessed the language spoken by the likes of Johann Kasprzycki von Castenedolo or Gedeon Konstantinowicz von Grekul? Johann Stefanelli, at first glance a German-Italian, turned out to be a docent of Greek Catholic cathechetics.

Europe's mottled skin

This state of affairs – known in other corners of Europe, albeit never on such a grand scale; the Eastern Borderlands of Poland are a good example – has many names. “Mosaic” and “melting pot” are among those used most often, and while quite trite, these names are still undeniably appropriate. We are dealing with a “cultural mosaic” when there is still enough room (both spatially and socially) for individual groups to function next to one another, coexist without losing any important elements of their identity – language, customs or religion.

The “mosaic” connotation first appeared probably when 19th century ethnographers tried to chart neighboring ethnic, religious and language groups; what they saw was an image not unlike the print seen on a leopard’s fur, surprisingly logical when inspected more closely.

When communities, for one reason or another, decided to abandon homogeneity, the “cultural mosaic” might have morphed into the “melting pot,” in which different elements mixed giving rise to the aforementioned champion of diversity – docent of Greek Catholic cathechetics, Johann Stefanelli. But it is important to point out that the “mosaic” does not have to necessarily transform into the “melting pot.” On the contrary, the two can, and have existed side by side. One could have been a part of the “mosaic,” cultivate one’s own customs – like in the Saxon villages, swimming for centuries in an ocean of Slavic hamlets, where people spoke German straight out of the 13th century – and then, in another social context, e.g. when going to the market, getting married or working in some kaiserlich und königlich office, become a part of the “melting pot”; depending on the needs, one could become “a bit Romanian,” “a bit Polish” or “a bit Austrian,” or even a “local,” speaking the native dialect. That, of course, required an ability to function within a multicultural framework (often manifested through uncommon multilingualism[1].) and getting used to different situations and scenarios, which can only be called the truest form of tolerance.

The stack of papers is a sentimental journey, a glimpse into a time gone by. This imaginary contact with the past, and emotions which accompany it, are not limited to me alone.

Every collector of stamps, coins, postcards and photographs knows this feeling I’m talking about. Why do we compete with each other in acquiring these relics? What are we searching for? Why are we willing to lay down considerable sums of money to get one more item which we could use as a portal to the past?

I can only speak for myself, but I think that all of us who collect all kinds of bucoviniana – that is evidence of the Carpathian duchy’s existence – are connected by a common longing for this world of mosaics and melting pots, where parts of the whole complemented each other, instead of working against each other. But at the same time we are aware that returning to that centuries old state of affairs is a practical impossibility, not because of the years that passed by, but because of the deep realignments in politics, geopolitics, the economy and even ourselves that have transpired over the centuries. The modern European misses the Jew while wholly approving of the measures undertaken by the French government against the Roma minority. In polls, he sides with tolerance and in the voting booth he sides with xenophobic political parties. So what happened?

The fall of European melting pots such as the Borderlands, the Transylvanias, the Vilniuses and Bukovinas has its roots probably somewhere in the Enlightenment period.

It is then that the concepts of uniformity and homogeneity first appeared. Stanisław Staszic, heretofore rather unknown for his support of these theories, summed them up nicely in his writings. He wanted “the Jews in the cities to be fully subject to the magistrate and city council, just like every other citizen, and have neither separate officials, separate communities nor separate qahals (Warnings for Poland, 1790).”

Enlightment militants

The goal of the Enlightenment militants was the eradication of regionalism and individuality. A good example of such policies is the French administration reform of 1789, which abolished the historic territorial division of the country, putting in their place abstract, artificial departments, described by ambiguous numbers, with no connotations other than geographic, the sizes of which were determined by the distance covered by an average man in a day’s march. Even though the Enlightenment didn’t last long (swept aside by the 19th century juggernaut), the institutions it established – most importantly public education – served as tools in the realization of the aforementioned goal. Paradoxically, Romanticism – often set against Enlightenment – might have accelerated its realization, because of its emphasis on everything connected with salt-of-the-earth folk, which later became a breeding ground for “national identity.” Social Darwinism of the late 19th century also played a part – its proponents having informed the public that strife between individuals, races and nations is the fundamental fabric of social life. Adoption of this thesis, associated with social progressives (today, the term progressive is rather a label of pacifists), enabled various people to commit and justify various hate crimes, then mostly unknown in the world of “mosaics” and “melting pots.”

In Europe, public education played a key role in establishing national identity.

It is probably due to the Enlightened public school, which served knowledge tainted with Romanticism and social Darwinism, that the aforementioned Alexandre Banczeskul felt at one time or another that he had more in common with Ioan Lupul than Arthemius Czuntuliak, Leo Rosenzweig or Joseph Mrstik, and also felt that this special kind of social bond, which we could call a national bond, meant much more to him than the faith he shared with Arthemius Czuntuliak, than doing business with Leo Rosenzweig, or the work ethos he shared with Joseph Mrstik. In Europe, public education played a key role in establishing national identity. In the decades preceding World War I, French kids were told repeatedly that regaining the lost provinces of Alsace and Lotharingia is absolutely fundamental, while German kids were assured that „the traditional role of the German spirit is to stem the Slavic tide“. The power of public education as a tool of national emancipation can also be seen in Lithuania, where two influential groups – the teachers and the clergy – were able to accomplish in a few decades what their predecessors failed to do for centuries, that is establish a Lithuanian national identity, separate from the Polish one.

The next act of indoctrination took place during compulsory military service, also introduced on a fairly large scale in the 19th century.

If someone managed to avoid the nationalist part of the school curriculum, military service educated him fully about his national identity, the defense of which might even require sacrificing his own life.

In 1871, the Italian Niccola Marselli said that the army of his newly unified country will be “a giant melting pot in which different provincial characteristics will mix, giving rise to Italian unity.” Our aforementioned Alexandre Banczeskul might have been free from indoctrination while living in Bukovina, but if he was ever part of the Hungarian, Romanian or Russian army, his worldview might have been severely “formatted.” For example, he could have heard about the superiority of Hungarian culture over any product of “Slavic propaganda” (according to Michał Orłowicz, Galician tourists lost in the mountains were also perceived as manifestations of said propaganda and were usually handed over to a gendarme). He might have also heard that the Romanians are the last remnants of the Romans, heirs of the Dacians, while every other nation surrounding Romania consists solely of uncouth barbarians; or maybe about the czar being a protector of every Slav from Siberia to Constantinople.

Blood and soil

But maybe not only the Enlightenment ideology is to blame; it is possible that all the mosaics and melting pots fell due to the wars that ravaged Europe in the 200 years separating the 17th and 19th centuries. Strangers, especially when coming in greater numbers, were no longer greeted as guests bringing news of the world. They were no longer seen as helpless petitioners seeking asylum, whose addition to the community would benefit everyone. They became harbingers of roving armed bands of murderers, robbers and rapists. Fear breeds intolerance, which in turns results in aggression. Thus maybe it is because of fear, and not only nationalism, that we started to abhor the others – the Jews, the Gypsies, peculiar religious minorities, but that was not enough. We set ourselves apart from neighbors with whom we shared borders for thousands of years, just look at Poles, the Frenchmen and the Germans.

Nationalism with an undercurrent of fear brought on the slaughter which was the 20th century, drowning Europe, losing the youth, the elites, the mutual trust and willingness to cooperate in the process.

But that’s not the end of the list of causes. Among the forces pushing away from diversity is industrialization. This process, which began in the 18th century and tore forward with increasing speed, brought on great migrations (which with each passing year gradually became easier, thanks to advances in transportation). No plague has depopulated and destroyed the local flavor of some places as much as these mass migrations did, by enabling people not only to escape poverty but also seek a better, more affluent life in another location.

Even though all these aforementioned factors irrevocably changed the world, the European Union is still eagerly trying to introduce – successfully – a vision of the European continent as this patchwork of mosaics, melting pots and Bukovinas. This is why the EU administration is so keen to recognize smaller regions as entities more “local” than “subnational” and puts so much emphasis on supporting all manifestations of regionalism, provincial autonomies or the idea of Euroregions. But one can’t escape serious doubts about the method chosen by the Union to accomplish its goals (top-down, through legislation and norms), as well as the suitability of the “human material,” which nowadays perceives the continent as “union of nations” rather than a “union of regions.”

The dreamy, Carpathian duchy also was not as bureaucratically burdened as the European Unions increasingly is. Moreover, this bureaucratic machine seems to have lost sight of its mission and instead of “building a common home” is engaging in legislation and building a centralized power apparatus. A good illustration of the process is the recent establishment of the office of the “EU President.” Does anyone really respect Mr. van Rompuy’s authority (if one even knows who the gentleman is)?

Maudlin European dream

Neither time nor building the modern European Union have decreased the destructive influence these aforementioned factors have upon our communities. On the contrary, the bigger the economic and social problems get, the easier it is for nationalism and racism (especially towards immigrants) to rear its ugly head. Consider the example of Belgium, a country at the heart of the European Union, with citizens of many ethnicities and languages; once called “a miniature Europe” it is now a battlefield between Flanders and Wallonians, who are unable to even form a government. Belgium really is a special case – it provides conditions for the perfect community to grow (the population is wealthy, social security covers nearly everyone, minorities have rights), and yet the community refuses to come together. What does that mean? Maybe it is because we have so thoroughly absorbed the dubious notions of Enlightenment and the lessons from the slaughters of the 20th century that they became a part of our identity? It was this “nationalization” of consciousness that manifested itself after the fall of the Soviet Union and forced Central and Eastern Europe communities to form nations, even those heretofore unknown (Slovenia) or those with a dubious identity (Moldavia, Macedonia, Bosnia, to some extent even Montenegro, and modern-day Kosovo). Without a doubt, nationalism is still the de facto pillar of nation states and the glue that holds them together. Had they not known its author, many Europeans would probably agree with the notion of Nazi ideologue Richard Walter Darré, that the basis of unity, in this case national unity, is Blut und Boden, “blood and soil,” which means collective historical memory bound with ties of kinship and national territory. Thus, it is no wonder that in such conditions communities refuse to come together in the ancient, “melting pot” way.

It seems that at the end of 2010, when this text was written, making Europe diverse in the way we remember from the “maudlin Bukovinian dream” is impossible. The people are different (with different value systems and filled with different myths), the times are different, and the forces of uniformity are stronger than ever (e.g. mass media). The eradication of smaller groups is proceeding without interruption. A few more years and the Lower Sorbian language will be history, just as has happened with other cultures on our faux-sensitive-to-the-plights-of-minorities continent: the Livonians in Latvia, the Votes between Estonia and Russia, the Ingrians in Russia, Sephardic Jews from Sarajevo, Germans between Slovenia and Croatia, Saxons in Transylvania, Aromanians in Macedonia and the Arbëreshë in Italy... Even though we’re sympathetic towards diversity, it soon becomes apparent that we’re neither ready for it, nor we are mature enough to embrace it. Economic problems of the eurozone give rise to squabbles, which in turn pave the way to reminding everyone of ancient grudges – just look at the “dialogue” between Germany in Greece in the middle of 2010.

Even the Swiss, known for their respect towards other cultures, are playing videogames which allow the player to shoot at minarets standing at the foot of the Alps.

Against such a background, Bukovina seems like Kitezh, the city from old Russian fairy tales – even though sunk deep in the waters of a vast lake, one can still hear – when ruffling through old papers – the distant peal of its belfries.


Translated by Jan Szelągiewicz

  1. 1. In another surviving “melting pot,” the village of Keturiasdešimt Totorių, near the capital of modern-day Lithuania, locals switch between a number of languages – Polish, Lithuanian, Tatar, Russian, and “the local dialect” – as the situation demands (e.g. at a government office, place of worship, store, or when dealing with tourists)
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